International Judicial Monitor
Published by the International Judicial Academy, Washington, D.C., with assistance from the
American Society of International Law

Fall 2012 Issue
 

Historic Moments in International Law

 

The First Hague Peace Conference – 1899

First Peace Conference
Delegates to the First Peace Conference in 1899
in The Hague, Netherlands

By: James G. Apple, Editor-in-Chief, International Judicial Monitor and President, International Judicial Academy

In the middle and late 19th Century, after literally hundreds of wars that occurred in that time period, some European nations were beginning to rearm and invest in new tools of war. Two of these nations were major European powers, Germany and England. Other nations felt the pressure exerted by Germany and other rearming nations on their own governments to attempt to keep up with these developments. This situation would later become known as an arms race.

One nation, Russia, because of the nature of its government, its military, its culture, and its society, could not hope to meet the challenges of this arms race. Thus, in late August of 1898, Czar Nicholas II of Russia issued a “rescript” describing the then current European situation, and calling on nations with which the Czar’s government had diplomatic relations to meet at a conference to discuss this “grave problem.”

In the rescript the Czar specifically mentioned the economic crises that was facing many nations because of the armaments race. It stated:

The economic crises, due in great part to the system of armaments … and the continual danger which lies in this massing of war material, are transforming the armed peace of our days into a crushing burden, which the peoples have more and more difficulty in bearing. It appears evident then, that if this state of things were prolonged, it would inevitably lead to the very cataclysm which it is desired to avert, and the horrors of which make every thinking man shudder in advance.

The rescript then noted that it was the “supreme duty” imposed on all states to “put an end to these incessant armaments.” The rescript proposed “to all Governments whose representatives are accredited to the Imperial Court, the meeting of a conference which would have to occupy itself “with these issues.

The August 24 Russian rescript was followed by a Russian “circular” on January 11, 1899 seeking preliminary exchanges of ideas for “putting a limit to the progressive increase of military and naval armaments” and for a “discussion of the questions relating to the possibility of preventing armed conflicts by the pacific means at the disposal of international diplomacy.”  To that end the Czar proposed subjects to be submitted to international discussion at the Conference:

  1. An understanding not to increase the present effective of the armed military and naval forces and at the same time not to increase military budgets “for a fixed period.”
  2. Prohibition of the use of armies and fleets of any new kinds of firearms and explosives and powders.
  3. Restriction on the use in military warfare of formidable explosives already existing, and prohibition of the throwing of projectiles or explosives from balloons.
  4. Prohibition of the use, in naval warfare, of submarine torpedo boats and vessels constructed with rams.
  5. Application to naval warfare of the terms of the Geneva Convention of 1864 (which dealt with conditions of wounded armies in the field).
  6. Neutralization of ships and boats employed in saving those overboard during or after an engagement.
  7. Revision of the Declaration concerning the laws and customs of war elaborated in 1874 by the Conference in Brussels.
  8. Acceptance in principle of the use of good offices, of mediation and arbitration with the object of preventing armed conflicts between nations.

There was much skepticism among the representatives of the nations invited to the Conference about achieving any progress on the overall mission of it, or on the specific points of discussion identified by the Czar. For instance the U.S. State Department, in its instructions to the U.S. delegates, after noting the inapplicability of the first issue to the United States, stated:

The second, third, and fourth articles, relating to the non-employment of firearms, explosives and other destructive agents, the restricted use of existing instruments of destruction, and the prohibition of certain contrivances employed in naval warfare, seem to be lacking in practicability, and the discussion of these propositions would probably prove provocative of divergence rather than unanimity of views. It is doubtful if wars are to be diminished by rendering them less destructive, for it is the plain lesson of history that the periods of peace have been longer protracted as the cost and destructiveness of war have increased.

The instructions were, however, positive about the desirability of discussion of some of the issues, especially number eight:

The eighth article, which proposed the wider extension of good offices, mediation, and arbitration, seems like to open the most fruitful field for discussion and future action. ‘The prevention of armed conflicts by pacific means … is a purpose well worthy of a great international convention, and its realization in an age of general enlightenment should not be impossible. The duty of sovereign States to promote international justice by all wise and effective means is only secondary to the fundamental necessity of preserving their own existence'.

The instructions gave the State Department's blessing that the proposed Conference “promises to offer an opportunity thus far unequaled in the history of the world for initiating a series of negotiations that may lead to important practical results.” It also proposed one other area for discussion and action:

Since the Conference has its chief reason the existence in the heavy burdens and cruel waste of war, which nowhere affect innocent private persons more severely or unjustly than in the damage done to peaceable trade and commerce, especially at sea, the question of exempting private property from destruction or capture on the high seas would seem to be a timely one for consideration.

The instructions to the U.S. delegation also included two annexes, one reviewing historical developments in the U.S. in the area of peaceful resolution of disputes between nations, which reveals a significant amount of activity, and the second a plan for an international tribunal. It is clear that the U.S. diplomats at that time had in mind a true court in the nature of the Permanent Court of International Justice, which did not materialize until after the First World War, rather than an arbitration tribunal, which was born at the Hague Peace Conference of 1899.

The reluctance of many nations to accept the invitation of the Czar were overcome by the efforts of early manifestations of what are now known as non-governmental organizations. Peace societies existed in many European and other countries, and they promoted participation in the peace conference. This peace movement was informally led by Baroness Bertha von Suttner of Austria, who published ten years before the Conference, Die Waffen Nieder (“Lay Down Your Arms”). She founded an Austrian pacifist organization in 1891 and then became editor of an internationally renowned pacifist journal by the same name as her book. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1905.

The actual conference opened in The Hague on May 18, 1899 and concluded its business by the signing of the “Convention” on July 29, which Convention entered into force on September 4, 1900. Twenty-six nations participated in the meetings in The Hague.

The most important result of the Conference related to the adoption of a convention for the peaceful settlement of disputes, which included a section creating the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which was the first international dispute settlement tribunal in the world. Other positive results of the Conference were a declaration (updating) of the laws and customs of war on land, a declaration of the adaptation of the principles of the Geneva Convention of 1864 to maritime warfare, and a declaration prohibiting the launching of projectiles and explosives from balloons. Two other declarations prohibited the use of projectiles containing “asphyxiating or deleterious gases” (chemical warfare) and the use of bullets “which expand or flatten easily in the human body” (hollow-point or dum-dum bullets).

No progress was made at the Conference on disarmament. However it paved the way for a second conference in 1907, called by U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt.

Although the Hague Peace Conference of 1899 failed to meet the great hopes an aspirations of the Czar and diplomats of those countries who participated in it, it did pave the way for other international conferences, and definitively marked the beginning of worldwide efforts to limit and finally eliminate war, efforts that are continuing. It marked the first time in history that a large group of nations met to consider how to limit and ultimately prevent the scourge of war, and in that sense, the Hague Peace Conference of 1899 was an event in international law worth remembering.

ASIl & International Judicial AcademyInternational Judicial Monitor
© 2012 – The International Judicial Academy
with assistance from the American Society of International Law.

Editor: James G. Apple.
IJM welcomes comments, suggestions, and submissions.
Please contact the IJM editor at ijaworld@verizon.net.