International Judicial Monitor
Published by the International Judicial Academy, Washington, D.C., with assistance from the
American Society of International Law

Spring 2015 Issue
 

SPECIAL REPORT – Special to the International Judicial Monitor

 

Taking Politics to the Courtroom: The Croatia v Serbia Genocide Case

Iva VukusicBy: Iva Vukusic, International Judicial Monitor Correspondent in The Hague

A long expensive process that was the Croatia v Serbia genocide case at the International Court of Justice in The Hague ended recently and no significant positive outcomes for the two countries can be easily identified. The case had been ongoing for years and many independent experts saw little value in it, claiming that neither of the two parties had a solid case for a finding of genocide by the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, tasked with adjudicating disputes between states. Finally the case has been concluded and, predictably, both countries lost. This was as exercise in politics by the two neighbors and the Court, justifiably, refused to play along.

The case was initiated in 1999 by Croatia, and years later Serbia filed a counter- claim, in 2010. There was plenty of time for a constructive settlement to be reached but the political leaders had little interest in it. Instead of spending large sums on litigation, a more useful purpose for the funds could have been found in assisting the victims on both sides. That didn’t happen. Court findings in cases like this are important not only for the international standing of a country, which may be characterized as having perpetrated genocide and thus suffer image and legitimacy problems, but it can also have serious financial consequences given that compensation can be awarded.  

Croatia’s claim was centered on crimes committed in the early 1990s in its territory (mostly 1991), during its war of independence from Yugoslavia, by forces supporting the rebelled Serbs. These were both local units, paramilitaries but also Yugoslav People’s Army forces that were controlled from Belgrade. The number of victims it cited is over ten thousand. Serbia on the other hand filed the case against Croatia regarding military operation Storm and its aftermath in 1995, when around 200,000 Serbs fled the territory which Croatia recaptured (and which was within its internationally recognized borders). In the aftermath of the operation, there were instances of killings of elderly Serb residents that stayed behind as well as burning and pillage of villages. The proceedings included detailed presentations of crimes committed in the early 1990s against Croats  and those against Serbs by the Croatian forces.  

In early February 2015, almost a year after the oral arguments were presented, the Court came out with the expected ruling: horrible crimes did take place, but they don’t amount to genocide. The actus reus [guilty act] was established (in both Croatia’s and Serbia’s claim), but for a genocide finding there needs to be the required dolus specialis [special intent], which was not found. Judges rejected Croatia’s claim with fifteen votes to two while Serbia’s was rejected unanimously. So the Court did not find genocide but it did invite both countries to work together on remaining issues like finding missing persons.

There is political value in having your former enemy found responsible for genocide and this is what Croatia and Serbia were attempting. They wanted to legitimize themselves and their own narrative of the war and delegitimize their former opponents’ version of events. It is as if crimes against humanity and war crimes are not horrible enough.

What was obvious during the proceedings and the judgment was that the ICJ relied heavily on the work of the ICTY, particularly the cases where individualswere charged for the crimes discussed at the ICJ. In that respect, Croatia had a slightly better shot of convincing judges because several cases dealt with crimes in Croatia in the early 1990s and people have been convicted. Serbia had less to rely on, given that the Storm case at the ICTY, Gotovina et al., ended with a (controversial) acquittal. The ICTY dealt extensively with the crimes in the former Yugoslavia in its twenty-year history and it was interesting to observe parties cherry pick those findings that suited their case while trying to discredit those that didn’t. 

 

There was an earlier genocide case dealing with the wars in the former Yugoslavia. It was filed by Bosnia and Herzegovina against Serbia and Montenegro and the case ended in 2007. Serbia and Montenegro was then found in breach of the Genocide Convention by failing to prevent the massacres in Srebrenica.   

While the proceedings were still going on in The Hague, not a lot of useful, constructive debate was ongoing between former warring parties that still occasionally experience tensions. There was no meaningful fact-based discussion that followed the ruling both within the societies in question but also between them. It is clear, as in the cases conducted in front of the ICTY, complex legal proceedings are difficult to bring closer to the average citizen and institutions struggle with outreach. Communicating facts about the proceedings and fighting misconceptions often fails when smothered by politicized nationalist rhetoric in public space. The level of knowledge about law, jurisdiction and jurisprudence is low and citizens are easily led to believe things that are simply not true. The way most of the media reported on this and ICTY trials as well was either incompetent or disingenuous. In both cases, there is reason to worry.    

One potential benefit of the proceedings may be developing jurisprudence on genocide at the International Court of Justice. The Court has been in existence for decades but in its history it has only once found genocide has been committed and that was in Srebrenica.  Having cases in front of judges helps define concepts, establish standards and brings clarity to what genocide is and what is required for proving it in court. Proceedings determining violations of the Genocide Convention can be beneficial to victims and societies at large. Facts can be uncovered and that is valuable for our understanding of the conflict, particularly if there is no criminal court and no truth commission making those determinations. In this particular case however, it was clear that there likely would not be a genocide finding. Moreover, factual findings have been made by the ICTY and civil society organizations throughout the region are pushing for a commission tasked with establishing facts. The politics similar to those that drove this case for so many years can now be seen in Kosovo, where politicians are speaking about bringing their own genocide case against Serbia to the ICJ. That initiative seems like nothing more than a thinly veiled attempt to divert attention from another court that should be established soon, dealing with the crimes by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Again, it seems to be more about politics and less about justice.

The ICJ was called upon to decide only if either one of the countries have violated the 1948 Genocide Convention. That however is not necessarily what the media reported. The headlines in both Croatia and Serbia were full of the word ‘aggression’ even though, as any informed reader would know, the crime of aggression has nothing to do with these proceedings. The entire process was abused by politicians in order to further entrench the monolithic, ethno-centric interpretations of the past in their respective societies, in which each side present itself as a victim, one that was only defending itself. For both countries, foundational myths were at stake.

Supporters of judicial efforts to deal with mass violence want these processes to assist reconciliation. That is possible (albeit difficult) but what is necessary is adequate, informed and independent reporting by the media as well as political maturity of the leaders. In both respects, both Croatia and Serbia have largely failed. Brief empty statements were made after the judgment about focusing on the future, but it was cloaked in nationalistic rhetoric. Instead of focusing on what was done to them, which is what they have been doing for the past 20 years, consistently treating their own victimhood as greater than that of others, the political elites and the media should focus on what was done by ‘their’ state in the past. For a stable future, it would be useful for the populations to hear, for a change, not what they did to us, but what we did to them. A little perspective and empathy could go a long way in normalizing relations in the former Yugoslavia.

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© 2015 – The International Judicial Academy
with assistance from the American Society of International Law.

Editor: James G. Apple.
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