International Judicial Monitor
Published by the International Judicial Academy, Washington, D.C., with assistance from the
American Society of International Law

Summer 2015 Issue
 

Hague Happenings

 

Victim Participation and Reparations at the ICC After Lubanga

Iva Vukusic
By: Iva Vukusic, International Judicial Monitor Correspondent in The Hague

The past year has seen numerous important developments at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. News regarding cases involving Kenya post-election violence and Darfur, as well as Palestine’s successful bid to become a state party made headlines worldwide. Among these important developments in efforts to fight impunity is the judgment ‘establishing the principles and procedures to be applied to reparations’ in the Lubanga case from March 3rd 2015. The decision followed disputes about the forms of reparations i.e. individual and/or collective whether the community would benefit and not just victims registered before the ICC and the rights of victims of sexual violence in this case. Broader issues of victim participation now come up in light of the decision that brings a measure of clarity to long unresolved issues. 

Thomas Lubanga Dyilo is the former leader of the Union of Congolese Patriots and Commander of the Patriotic Forces for the Liberation of Congo, a militia operating in the resources-rich Ituri region of the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. In December 2014, Lubanga became the first person to be convicted on appeal at the ICC. He was found guilty and sentenced to fourteen years for the conscription and usage of child soldiers. This case is of major importance in further defining and implementing victim participation and reparations, a major innovation of the Court where victims of crimes are participating in proceedings against the accused.

The ICC was established as a result of historical negotiations in Rome in 1998, resulting in the Rome statute, which came into force in 2002. Today the institution has 123 state parties, among them notably absent the United States, Russia and China. The Court has struggled with political opposition, difficult investigations in war zones, accusations of bias and budgetary challenges. The Court and the Office of the Prosecutor have to navigate complex political situations and limitations of jurisdiction as well as a lack of political will to make arrests such as in the case of Omar Al Bashir of Sudan who has for years evaded facing charges of genocide in Darfur.

One of the contributions the ICC has made has been in inviting victims, albeit a limited number of them allegedly victimized by the accused in its cases, to participate in the proceedings. How that participation takes place what the victims want out of reparations and how the process can be made more meaningful is something to discuss after the decision in Lubanga that caused much debate in the international justice community.

Three rights have been articulated for victims of gross violations: truth, justice and reparations. Part of the growing focus on the rights of victims is the effort to include them in proceedings and make them active agents instead of passive recipients of justice processes. Victim participation in proceedings beyond potentially in capacity of a witness is a relatively new phenomenon in international criminal justice. It has not been a feature of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda or the Special Court for Sierra Leone. There ‘victim’ was defined more narrowly, as someone who directly suffered a crime within the jurisdiction of that court. On the other hand, the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) and the Extra-Ordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) have options for victims to participate and especially in the case of the ECCC, they have been analyzed by academics, civil society and policy makers. As researchers have noted, there are tensions between the retributive measures such as trials and the needs of victims, which might require more restorative and reparative approaches.

At the ICC the definition of victim was broadened, largely as a result of criticism towards the ad hoc tribunals where it was felt that victims were not properly included in the process. At the ICC, a victim is a person (but can also be a organization, such as a church), who suffered as a result of the crime. Therefore, it also includes surviving family members. This broadening of the definition is mirrored in the broader mandate of the ICC.

Critics argue that institutions designed for criminal proceedings should not be tasked with those broad mandates such as achieving reconciliation or awarding and implementing reparation programs. They claim that their task of investigating and prosecuting individuals for grave crimes is difficult enough and that other tasks, including those of restorative nature, should be done by others: the courts are simply not built for that. 

For the International Judicial Monitor, Dr. Luke Moffett of Queen’s University Belfast comments on victim participation at the ICC. The greatest challenge, he

 

argues, is ‘being able to include them in a meaningful and effective way. In terms of meaningful - that their views have some sort of impact on the judicial decision making and outcomes of the ICC, i.e. charging of suspects (to an extent), sentencing decisions, construction of truth, and reparations. With effectiveness that victims are adequately represented and informed of the ICC proceedings, which can be difficult due to the number of victims, thousands in some cases, and the security situation in some of the countries under investigation.’ He goes on to say that the ‘victim participation system at the ICC lacks consistency as each case, and even stage of proceedings, decides different ways victims can participate, and there are concerns over the quality of their legal representation.’

In the past, tensions arose between the Office of the Prosecutor and the legal representatives for victims over charges that were to be included. This is a particularly sensitive topic as many hold that it is a delicate balance to strike – the prosecutor must act independently and be able to follow evidence in making decisions while the victims frequently demand broader charges if they feel indictments don’t fully encompass their victimization. That tension is not one that can be easily resolved as issues of time i.e. the length of proceedings and limited resources become crucial. So far, the ICC judges have been reluctant to allow broad participation during the investigation stage.

Questions remained unresolved in relation to reparations too. As Dr. Moffett explains: ‘Article 75 states that reparations can include ‘restitution, compensation and rehabilitation’. However, the Court can order other forms of reparation, such as measures of satisfaction (recovery of disappeared, memorials and apologies) and guarantees of non-repetition. The difficulty is that reparations are contingent on the conviction of the accused, meaning that if he is found not guilty victims will be unable to claim reparations at the ICC, an all or nothing dependent on the work of the Prosecution. In addition, some of the suspects already convicted before the ICC have no money, making it nearly impossible for victims to obtain any compensation against them.’ Dissatisfaction about suggested reparations measures already led to the disengagement of some victims from the court proceedings in the Ruto and Sang case.

The Trust Fund for Victims was created under article 79 of the Rome Statute with a mission ‘to support and implement programs that address harms resulting from genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes’. Its mandate is twofold: implementing reparations and providing physical, psychological and material support to victims and their families. The Trust Fund steps in when the accused cannot pay compensation by providing money for reparation orders.  However, Moffet claims that ‘given the large numbers of potential victims of international crimes, the money form the Trust Fund is likely to be inadequate to provide large lump sums of compensation to each victim. So the Trust Fund and the Court in the Lubanga case prioritized collective measures, such as rehabilitation, to victims who suffered harm as a result of the crime of using child soldiers. This went against the wishes of the victims, who also wanted individual awards. In contrast to most other reparation mechanisms, which are usually against the state, the ICC lacks the funds to adequately remedy the harm of victims.’

In the future, we will see how the other ICC cases will develop the approach and implementation of victim participation and reparations and if the victims consider them meaningful. Including victims in the process primarily designed to pursue accountability is, as we have seen, not without challenges but it’s a valuable effort – it brings closer to the trials those that those trials are supposed to be serving. In order to be legitimate and useful, international justice efforts must pay more than lip service to the rights of those they are there to protect.

Ultimately, for many victims, the states are those that should step in, claims Dr. Moffett:

‘States are a key part of the Rome Statute and the International Criminal Court as it is states which are primary responsible for investigating and prosecuting international   crimes, I would also extend this to their obligation to provide reparations to victims. The difficulty is that states are not meeting their obligations to victims instead the ICC is filling this gap, but can only do it in a very small and narrow way, to a number of victims limited to the charges and perpetrators convicted before it. Really states still need to be investigating and prosecuting international crimes to complement the ICC, as well as to consider reparative complementarity, in that states should be establishing national reparation programs that can allow a bigger victim population to access redress.’

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© 2015 – The International Judicial Academy
with assistance from the American Society of International Law.

Editor: James G. Apple.
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